Governor Brad Little waited until late February to put his signature on one of the most contentious pieces of legislation to cross his desk in years. House Bill 93, which creates a $50 million tax credit program for families who send their kids to private schools or homeschool them, became law despite thousands of Idahoans flooding his office with opposition.

The program offers up to $5,000 per student to cover private school tuition, homeschool curriculum, tutoring, textbooks, and transportation. Families with special needs children can claim up to $7,500. It’s not a voucher system, state officials insist. Instead, parents pay the expenses upfront and then claim a refundable tax credit when they file their state taxes.

Little framed the decision as having it both ways. Idaho can support robust public schools while giving families more educational options, he argued in a statement after signing the bill. His administration has increased public school funding by 60 percent since he took office, a point he has repeatedly emphasized.

But critics see a different story unfolding. Within hours of Little’s signature, a coalition that includes the Idaho Education Association, local school districts, and civic groups announced plans to challenge the law in court. They argue it violates the state constitution’s requirement that Idaho maintain a system of free public schools.

The numbers tell part of the story. When the House Revenue and Taxation Committee opened public comment on House Bill 93, more than 1,000 emails poured in. Ninety-four percent opposed it. Little told reporters that his office had received thousands more messages, though his staff declined to release a breakdown of support versus opposition.

The bill squeaked through the Republican-controlled legislature on largely party-line votes. In the House, it passed 42 to 28, with 19 Republicans breaking ranks to vote no. The Senate approved it 20 to 15, with nine Republicans joining all Democrats in opposition.

Representative Wendy Horman, an Idaho Falls Republican who co-sponsored the bill and chairs the Joint Finance-Appropriations Committee, has championed school choice for years. She argued that the tax credit gives families options while the state continues to pour money into traditional public schools. Little himself acknowledged the program lacks robust accountability measures, then added that he doesn’t think public schools have enough accountability either.

For supporters, the law represents a win for educational freedom. Chris Cargill, president of the Mountain States Policy Center, praised lawmakers for their leadership on the issue. The Idaho Republican Party called it a historic victory, noting that President Donald Trump had endorsed the measure.

But Paul Stark, executive director of the Idaho Education Association, sees it differently. Private schools can now collect taxpayer dollars without disclosing their curriculum, test scores, or even requiring background checks for employees, he pointed out at a press conference announcing the lawsuit. They can reject students based on religion, disability, or any other criteria. Public schools, meanwhile, have to take everyone.

The program’s financial mechanics add another layer of complexity. The $50 million cap means not everyone who applies will get funded, at least not right away. The Idaho State Tax Commission, which administers the program, has created a waiting list for families who don’t make the cut. When applications opened in January, more than 3,300 people applied within minutes.

Families earning less than 300 percent of the federal poverty level get priority, though the program is technically available to anyone. That income threshold works out to roughly $93,600 for a family of four, which covers a substantial portion of Idaho households.

The equity questions run deeper than income, though. Rural families, who make up a significant share of Idaho’s population, often live miles from the nearest private school. For them, the tax credit might be irrelevant. Meanwhile, urban and suburban families with multiple private school options nearby stand to benefit most.

Public school advocates worry about what happens when state dollars follow students out the door. Idaho’s public school budget for the current fiscal year actually shows a decrease in discretionary funding compared to the previous year, though overall spending has increased. That’s partly because student enrollment has declined slightly, reducing the number of classroom units the state funds.

The state has been investing heavily in school facilities after years of deferred maintenance left many buildings in poor condition. A 2022 legislative report estimated it would take $847 million just to bring all public school buildings up to good condition, not excellent. Little made facility funding a priority, securing $2 billion over ten years for repairs and construction.

But some education officials say the new private school program sends a contradictory message. The state pours money into fixing crumbling public schools while simultaneously creating a financial incentive for families to leave the system.

Little insists Idaho can do both. The state ranks first in the nation for return on investment in public schools, he noted, and has committed close to $17 billion to K-12 education since he took office. The tax credit program, he argued, simply expands choices without abandoning the core commitment to public education.

The lawsuit challenging House Bill 93 will test whether that vision aligns with Idaho’s constitutional obligations. Daniel Mooney, president of the Committee to Protect and Preserve the Idaho Constitution, pointed to 14 words in the state’s founding document: “establish and maintain a general, uniform and thorough system of public, free common schools.”

Those words are simple but profound, Mooney said, and House Bill 93 has no basis in them. Similar constitutional challenges in other states have succeeded in blocking private school subsidy programs. Idaho’s Supreme Court will now decide whether the tax credit survives.

For now, families are lining up to claim the money. The program went live in January with applications processed on a first-come, first-served basis. Whether it lasts beyond the next court ruling remains an open question.

Idaho Governor Brad Little recently signed House Bill 93 into law, introducing a $50 million Parental Choice Tax Credit program. This legislation offers refundable tax credits up to $5,000 per student for private schooling or homeschooling expenses, increasing to $7,500 for special needs students.

House Bill 93 was introduced to expand educational choice in Idaho by providing financial support for private schooling, homeschooling, and other non-public education expenses. It aims to make alternative education more accessible through refundable tax credits, particularly for low- and middle-income families, while promoting competition and innovation in education.

Thousands of homeschooling parents packed the Illinois State Capitol on March 6, waving signs and delivering cherry pies to lawmakers in a coordinated show of force against legislation they say threatens their educational freedom.

The target of their opposition: House Bill 2827, introduced by State Representative Terra Costa Howard, which would create the state’s first comprehensive regulatory framework for families who homeschool their children.

The proposed Homeschool Act would require Illinois families to file annual declarations with their local school districts, listing each child’s name, birthdate, grade level, and contact information. School officials may request educational portfolios at any time to verify that home instruction meets standards comparable to those of public schools. Parents would need at least a high school diploma to teach their own children.

More than 2,000 people turned out for what organizers called Cherry Pie Day, an event coordinated by Illinois Christian Home Educators. The crowd filled the Capitol rotunda, making it one of the larger demonstrations at the statehouse this session.

Critics of the bill see the measure as government overreach into family decisions. Homeschooling advocacy organizations warn that the requirements could open the door to expanded state control over private education choices.

Supporters counter that modest oversight protects children’s interests. They argue that basic documentation and educational standards ensure students receive adequate instruction, particularly when families may struggle to provide comprehensive curricula.

The bill also grants the Illinois State Board of Education authority to develop additional implementation rules, a provision that concerns opponents who fear regulatory expansion beyond the legislation’s current scope.

Currently, Illinois remains among the least restrictive states for homeschooling, with no notification requirements or testing mandates. The proposed changes would align Illinois more closely with states that maintain registries of homeschooled students.

The House Education Policy Committee will hold a hearing on HB 2827 on March 12 at 8 a.m. Families on both sides of the debate can submit witness slips or contact their representatives before the committee votes on whether to advance the measure.

More than 350,000 New York City public school students missed at least 10% of school days during the last academic year, according to a recent Manhattan Institute analysis. That translates to about 35% of the city’s student body, a figure education experts say should alarm parents and policymakers alike.

The absenteeism numbers track closely with another troubling trend: declining test scores. Despite New York State pouring more money into education than ever before, math and reading proficiency rates remain stubbornly below pre-pandemic levels. Only a small fraction of 4th and 8th-graders are meeting proficiency standards in either subject.

The spending, meanwhile, keeps climbing. Governor Kathy Hochul announced $35.3 billion in total education aid for fiscal year 2025, an $825 million increase over the previous year. Foundation Aid alone got a $507 million boost. New York now spends roughly $36,000 per student annually, the highest rate in the nation.

Critics argue the math doesn’t add up. Teachers’ unions have negotiated generous benefit packages that continue pushing costs higher, they say, while student achievement lags. The state is spending more but getting less.

So what’s driving kids to skip school? The pandemic fundamentally changed how many families think about attendance. What once seemed non-negotiable now feels optional to some parents. But the problem runs deeper than shifting attitudes. Housing instability, economic pressure, and ongoing health concerns have hit vulnerable communities especially hard, making it difficult for some families to maintain consistent attendance even when they want to.

Chronic absenteeism, defined as missing 10% or more of school days for any reason, includes excused absences, unexcused ones, and suspensions. Every absence counts.

Education specialists say schools need to get tougher on attendance policies while also making classrooms places students actually want to be. That means safe, engaging environments and teachers who take ownership of keeping kids engaged. The New York City Department of Education has rolled out various programs and support services, both in schools and in the community, to get students back in their seats.

Whether any of it will work remains an open question. But with test scores falling and absenteeism rising, the city’s education establishment is running out of time to prove that record-breaking spending can translate into actual learning.