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New Mexico’s Verdict Against Meta Lights a Fuse — Tech Giants Face Widening Calls for Accountability

A month after New Mexico delivered a major courtroom setback against Meta, the ruling is beginning to ripple far beyond the state’s borders. The decision is fueling what could become a wider reckoning for social media companies whose industry practices have outpaced oversight.

The $375 million judgment against the parent company of Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp, did more than impose a hefty financial penalty for its failure to protect young users from harmful content. It also heightened an increasingly urgent question: whether Silicon Valley’s most powerful firms can still hide behind immunity from the social damage, critics say, they have helped build.

Over the years, lawmakers and researchers warned that social media platforms exposed children and teenagers to addiction-driven algorithms, sexual exploitation, mental health crises, and self-harm. Social media companies, however, kept downplaying the risks. But New Mexico’s verdict turned those warnings into a courtroom judgment.

“They had been lying to the American people, and they have been lying to leaders in public office and in policy spaces for years and years,” Attorney General Raul Torrez said during the trial. He described the case as a rebuke of corporate deception.

That rebuke is beginning to attract imitators. In Albuquerque, the Branch Law Firm is investigating social media addiction lawsuits. The firm has launched advertisements seeking families who say they suffered mental health harm, anxiety, self-harm, eating disorders, depression, and suicide.

Legal observers say the campaign appears to be building momentum for possible class-action litigation. To some, it is a natural response to a major verdict. To others, it hints at the opening of a new front against Big Tech.

KOAT legal analyst John Day said the advertisement reflects how large jury awards can alter the legal landscape. “When you see these big jury verdicts coming in — the one in California, the one here in New Mexico — it signals to lawyers around the country that this may be what they call low-hanging fruit,” he said.

Some lawyers see it as a litigation opportunity. But critics see it as something more profound: a long-overdue accountability movement finally finding legal teeth.

The emerging lawsuits are likely to argue that social media harms are foreseeable consequences of design choices such as optimization of algorithms for engagement, systems that amplify harm, and product design that exploits vulnerability for profit.

Those arguments are echoes of past courtroom battles against tobacco and opioid manufacturers. These industries, once considered untouchable, were forced to face the costs of the damage linked to their products. The comparison is no longer far-fetch.

For most of the previous decade, technology companies largely succeeded in describing their platforms as neutral and not as actors responsible for what flourished on their systems. That defense is facing increased skepticism in courts and legislatures alike.

Day said the litigation wave is only beginning. “This is just the starting point,” he said. “I think you’re going to see more jury verdicts like the ones we saw in California and New Mexico as the social media platforms become targets for this kind of litigation.” If this prediction holds, the state could be remembered not just for the ruling but for reshaping regulatory power.

Next month, a judge will determine the corrective actions Meta must take in response to the ruling. The decision could prove as consequential as the financial penalty itself. Systemic fixes, if imposed, could set a precedent for other states and cases.

What started as a state’s challenge to a tech giant is increasingly looking like a warning for an industry used to moving faster than the law. New Mexico not only started the fight. It may have lit the fuse.

Study Examines Possible Health Effects of RSV Vaccination During Pregnancy

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A recent study has raised questions about a possible link between RSV vaccination during pregnancy and certain maternal or infant health conditions. Researchers analyzed health data from maternal vaccination programs and identified patterns that may link vaccination to specific outcomes in mothers and newborns.

RSV, or Respiratory Syncytial Virus, is a respiratory infection that can cause serious illness in infants, including Bronchiolitis and Pneumonia. To help protect newborns, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved maternal RSV vaccination in 2023. The vaccine works by allowing protective antibodies to pass from the pregnant mother to the baby before birth.

In the new research, scientists reviewed data to determine whether receiving the vaccine during pregnancy could influence the health of either the mother or the infant. The findings suggested possible associations with certain medical events, but the study did not establish a direct cause-and-effect relationship.

Researchers published the findings in 2026 as part of ongoing efforts to evaluate the safety of maternal vaccination programs. The analysis focused on health data from countries that have implemented RSV vaccination for pregnant women.

Scientists say the results add to a growing body of research examining both the benefits and potential risks of maternal vaccination. While the vaccine aims to reduce severe RSV infections in newborns, experts stress that additional studies are needed to better understand the patterns observed in the data.

Medical specialists emphasize that clinical research will continue to assess vaccine safety while also evaluating how maternal immunization can help protect infants during the first months of life, when they face the highest risk from RSV.

FDA Plans Faster Review of Psychedelic Drugs for Mental Health Treatments

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The US FDA plans to perform a faster review on psychedelic drugs for mental health treatments. This aims to help researchers and pharma developers bring in new potential therapies for patients more quickly. This policy shift follows the growing concern of certain treatments “not working” for patients, especially those with severe mental health illnesses.

Health officials attribute the rising number of patients with treatment-resistant depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and other serious conditions. This prompts the department to explore new approaches that could help mitigate the problem.

Federal authorities announced the plan this April after issuing a directive encouraging faster evaluation of emerging mental health treatments. The policy will apply nationwide.

Researchers are studying potential psychedelic substances such as psilocybin and MDMA in clinical trials for conditions including depression and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). These substances may offer new treatment options for patients who do not respond well to traditional therapies.

Federal law previously banned psychedelic drugs in the United States. Because of this history, the FDA’s accelerated review plan has drawn strong interest from researchers and mental health advocates. The agency hopes the faster process will expand scientific research. It also aims to help determine whether these substances are safe and effective for medical use.

Drug developers, mental health specialists, and federal regulators will work closely as research continues. Health experts say the faster review process could influence how future mental health treatments are developed. Additionally, it could affect how those treatments are approved in the United States.

Scientists also stress that clinical trials must still prove the safety and effectiveness of psychedelic-based therapies before the FDA can authorize them for public use. The agency focuses on accelerated development of treatments for mental conditions. Furthermore, these psychedelic substances include psilocybin and MDMA-related drugs. They are currently in clinical studies for depression and PTSD.

Despite these substances remaining controlled by federal regulations, there are investigations going on regarding the potential benefits of these psychedelic substances for medicinal purposes. Overall, expectations are high as the FDA Plans Faster Review of Psychedelic Drugs for Mental Health Treatments in the near future.

New Mexico Just Challenged the U.S. Deportation Apparatus — Here’s Why It Matters

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New Mexico is gearing up to make a declaration that reverberates beyond its borders: it will no longer help build the infrastructure of immigrant detention. This act matters in a political moment defined by raids, detention quotas, and the intensifying deportation apparatus.

With the Immigrant Safety Act’s May rollout, the state will join a growing number of states seeking to sever ties between local government and the federal deportation machinery. The law, supporters argue, is not only another policy reform. It is a rebuke to a system that has blurred the line between civil administration and incarceration-based punishment.

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham signed the law in February. It will take effect next month, prohibiting state and local governments from entering into contracts to detain people for civil immigration violations. The law also bars using public land as immigration detention facilities and prohibits agreements assigning immigration duties to local police.

The law’s provisions are practical. Its symbolism is unmistakable at a time when the Trump administration’s mass deportation policy has reignited national tensions over immigration. And laws like New Mexico’s emerged as a form of state-level resistance, signaling a wider shift in community perspectives on public safety, sovereignty, and moral responsibility.

Advocates see the measure as less about refusing federal authority. They frame it as an act of rejecting complicity. “We see a tremendous upswelling of this type of legislation,” Rebecca Sheff, a staff attorney with the ACLU of New Mexico who helped draft the bill, told Truthout. She pointed to what she described as growing political willingness to confront the scope of Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

Sheff’s argument reflects a broader push to challenge the detention economy of a network of public contracts, private prison operators, and local law enforcement partnerships.

New Mexico’s action did not exist in a vacuum. Similar laws already exist in New Jersey, California, Washington, Illinois, Colorado, and Maryland. Many of these laws had their roots in the “Dignity, Not Detention” campaign launched more than a decade ago. California took the first move in 2017. New Mexico is extending that trajectory.

But the state’s latest step lands in an increasingly volatile political climate. Immigration once again became a battlefield of American politics. And states across the country are becoming laboratories not only for enforcement, but for opposition to it. Some states have expanded cooperation with ICE, while others are trying to deconstruct it.

That divergence reflects a fracture over whether immigration should be governed primarily through detention and deportation, or should it be grounded in rights and due process.

Supporters of New Mexico’s law describe it as a correction to a system that outsourced moral decisions to bureaucratic arrangements and prison contracts. Opponents, however, argue that such laws limit cooperation and may complicate federal action.

But beneath the debate lies a larger question: What obligations should states have when federal immigration enforcement runs counter to local values? This question has fired up activists beyond the desert states.

In New York, groups continue to press for similar measures. Activists like Tania Mattos of UnLocal see the movement as a series of actions that make detention less entrenched and less inevitable.

There is, increasingly, an abolitionist logic to the campaign. It is not merely reforming detention, but diminishing the systems that sustain it.

That is what makes New Mexico’s law significant. It does neither solve the failures of America’s immigration regime nor halt deportations. But the statute interrupts the idea that states are bound to ICE’s detention agenda. And in doing so, it suggests that another model is possible.

Across the nation, immigration debates often turn on walls and crackdowns. New Mexico is offering a different language: dignity, distance from detention, and refusal.

The action may become an outlier or a blueprint, which largely depends on whether other states follow. But as May nears, New Mexico is drawing the line. And at a time of expanding enforcement, that line can be an act of defiance.

Why the Driver Walks Free After Fatal Crash with Nuclear Scientist

The fatal head-on collision that killed Charles McMillan, one of the nation’s most prominent nuclear physicists, a year and a half ago. But the driver responsible will not spend even a day in jail — a sentence that highlights how even fatal crashes can be treated as minor traffic matters.

A municipal judge in Los Alamos handed down a suspended sentence to Nadia Lopez, 23, under a plea agreement. The court’s decision allowed her to avoid incarceration as long as she commits no traffic violation over the next 90 days.

The sentence? Ninety days in jail, fully suspended, along with unsupervised probation. That means Ms. Lopez will remain free unless she violates the terms of probation. The judge also ordered her to pay a $1,500 fine or complete 67 hours of community service.

Why did the court decide no jail time for her? The answer lies in the charges.

Prosecutors filed petty misdemeanor counts: speeding, reckless driving, and failure to maintain a traffic lane. They did not charge her with felony, no vehicular homicide count, and no allegation of criminal intent or intoxication. The legal outcome is largely constrained because the lawyers handling the complaint framed it as a traffic offense rather than a homicide prosecution.

Police investigations said Ms. Lopez likely crossed the center line on East Road on Sept. 6, 2024. Her vehicle collided head-on with Mr. McMillan’s vehicle. Investigators did find no driving error on Mr. McMillan’s part. He was 69.

In a system where charges framed deadly crashes through the lens of ordinary traffic law, death does not necessarily lead to incarceration. It can lead to fines, probation, or a suspended sentence.

For many people, the disposition illustrates how the justice system works. The decision differentiates between violence committed with intent and violence produced by negligence behind the wheel — even when the outcome is the same.

Mr. McMillan once led Los Alamos National Laboratory. He played a central role in the nation’s nuclear enterprise. Investigators attributed his death due to the crash to the other driver crossing into his lane.

The fatal crash claimed the life of the scientist. The incident has since become an illustrative but unsettling example of how accountability in fatal traffic cases can hinge less on the gravity of the results. It can also hinge on the modest scope of the charges brought.

More Young Children Enter Early Education, Report Shows

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Enrollment of 3- and 4-year-olds in New Mexico early education continues to grow. This progress reflects the state’s commitment to supporting young learners as they begin their academic journey. A new report highlights efforts to expand access to early education for more families. 

New Mexico ranks seventh in the nation for preschool access among 3-year-olds, according to a new report from the National Institute for Early Education Research dubbed “State of Preschool 2025 Yearbook.” The report also ranks the state 11th nationwide for access among 4-year-olds.

New Mexico ranked fifth nationally in state spending per child. The state exceeded the national average and outspent many larger and wealthier states. 

“Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham and the New Mexico Legislature have made an unwavering commitment to our youngest children, and this report reflects that,” said Early Childhood Education and Care Secretary Elizabeth Groginsky. “We are proud to be a national leader in both access and investment, and the state will keep raising the bar to ensure every child in every community has access to the high-quality early learning opportunities they deserve.” 

What the Data Say

During the 2024-2025 school year, New Mexico PreK enrolled 16,429 children, an increase of 334 from the previous year. The data shows 22 percent of enrolled children are 3-year-olds, while 53 percent are 4-year-olds. 

State spending reached $226,084,608, up by $9,246,573, or 4 percent, from the prior year after adjusting for inflation.

Meanwhile, state spending per child equaled $13,761 in 2024-2025, increasing by $289 from 2023-2024 after adjusting for inflation.

New Mexico met nine of the institute’s 10 quality standards benchmarks. The standards assess indicators such as teacher qualifications, class size, early learning criteria, and curriculum support.  

The institute does not award New Mexico the benchmark requiring teachers to hold a bachelor’s degree. However, NM PreK Standards require teachers to hold a bachelor’s degree in early childhood education, hold an early childhood education license, or actively pursue a bachelor’s degree or alternative licensure in early childhood education. 

New Mexico ranks among a small group of states approaching the highest tier of quality recognition in the institute’s report. Only six states currently meet all 10 benchmarks. New Mexico’s programs operate at a level of investment and access that surpasses most of them. Even New Mexico’s spending per child places the state well above the national average.  

The yearbook analyzes state-funded preschool enrollment, spending, and quality nationwide. In 2024-25, 44 states and the District of Columbia funded preschool programs nationwide. Enrollment reached 37 percent of 4-year-olds and 9 percent of 3-year-olds. Most state pre-K programs continue to primarily serve 4-year-olds. 

Community-based New Mexico PreK educators may also qualify for increased compensation through the PreK Parity Program. The initiative helps align their pay with public school compensation. In FY25, the program funded 179 educators and provided additional stipends for some staff with specialized credentials. 

The recent NIEER report highlights an increase in early childhood enrollment in New Mexico. The findings bring positive news for the state and for families seeking to give young children an early start in their academic journey.

Rabies in Curry County Shows How Easily a Virus Slips Past the Boundaries We Trust

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A rabies case involving a 10-month-old dog in Curry County is more than an isolated public health incident. It is a reminder that the boundaries people trust to keep them from danger, even a fenced backyard, offer little protection against a virus that silently moves through wildlife.

The unvaccinated dog was euthanized after testing positive for rabies when it displayed signs of distress and aggression. It became the second dog in New Mexico to contract the disease in the last 10 months.

The animal has bitten one person and is undergoing post-exposure treatment. Five others exposed to the dog received preventive vaccination, officials said.

But the deeper story goes beyond a single infected animal. Even pets in a fenced yard are not free from risk due to bats, skunks, and foxes that move at the periphery of human settlement. That illusion of separation has always been fragile.

Rabies in the American landscape is rare in humans because of vaccination and surveillance. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, about 9 in 10 animal cases are still in wildlife. Healthcare providers treat 1.4 million Americans every year for possible rabies exposure. They also administer post-exposure prophylaxis to 100,000 people.

In New Mexico alone, health officials confirmed 13 rabid animals in 2025, following 12 cases the year before. Mostly involved in wildlife, particularly bats. But the lesson of the Curry County dog is that the line between wild and domestic is more porous than many pet owners expect.

Backyards, after all, do not stop a bat from descending at twilight. But health officials described the case as preventable. The dog received no vaccination despite the state law requiring rabies shots for dogs and cats. That detail matters. Rabies is among the few diseases where prevention is essential: Once symptoms appear, survival is almost nil.

“Rabies vaccines are an invisible but strong barrier against this deadly disease,” said Dr. Erin Phipps, state public health veterinarian for the New Mexico Department of Health (NMDOH).

The incident also exposes a larger public health irony: the success of rabies control has made the danger easier to overlook. As cases in humans become rare, urgency fades. But that rarity does not signal absence.

Officials asked residents to avoid unfamiliar animals, report suspicious wildlife behavior, and seek immediate medical help after bites or even exposure to saliva. They reminded the public that bats found in bedrooms, particularly where children are present, may warrant precautionary treatment even without a visible bite.

Such guidance can sound routine until a case like this makes it feel urgent again.

The death of one unvaccinated puppy in rural New Mexico may not signal an emergency. But it does point to a quieter truth about public safety: some protections work only when people believe in them enough to maintain them.

A fence can mark a boundary. And a vaccine can save lives. But only one of them keeps rabies out.

Authorities Charge Family with Felony, Sex Trafficking at Six Massage Parlors

A family should foster love, care, compassion, and trust among its members; family members should create a safe place for each and every member. But a family in Albuquerque defies this definition.

Authorities have charged three family members in Albuquerque with numerous felony charges after they organized a sex trafficking operation in six Albuquerque massage parlors.

The governor’s New Mexico Crime Commission, led by Bernalillo County District Attorney Sam Bregman, has been investigating a string of local massage parlors for a month after an anonymous tipster reported the parlors’ suspicious activity.

According to the investigators, recruiters brought immigrant women, many of whom are Chinese, to Albuquerque with promises of real jobs and then forced them to live full-time at massage parlors and perform sex acts on men or they wouldn’t get paid.

The investigation led special agents to Yufang Bao, who owns six different parlors. Authorities now hold her in custody, and she faces 18 felony charges related to sex trafficking and prostitution.

Aside from Bao, the Bernalillo County D.A. Office states that her husband, John Tunney, and her son Guanxian Wang are also facing similar charges but are not currently in custody.

Bregman says anyone involved in this case will face “a long, long time in prison” if they prove guilty.

“And I hope that this case sends a very clear message to people out there who are willing to traffic other human beings, especially in the sex trade. This is disgusting,” said Bregman.”

The Harsh Reality of Immigrants

These recruiters often take advantage of those who want to leave their homeland to give their families better lives. And when these people are lured to the place with nothing but the recruiters’ assurance of a job and their promise to their families of a better life.

One of its victims experienced this exact scene. According to her, someone lured her to Albuquerque with a promise of a job as a cleaner. She later found out that her job required doing sexual acts.

Another victim told the investigators about the abuse she had experienced. She said recruiters had recruited her to be a masseuse and they would beat her, restrain her, and strike her if she refused to perform sexual acts on men.

“Forcing people to have sex with other people. Beating them if they don’t. This organization would beat some of these victims if they did not perform sex acts,” said Bregman.

The victim also told investigators that they would drop off supplies for her at the parlor because she was required to live there.

This is exactly what happens when recruiters promise people who want nothing but a better life for their families an interesting job with “good” pay. Other people should not take advantage of this.

People should not tolerate exploitation, and the law should punish those who exploit them.

Investigators Actions

The investigators visited other properties associated with the family, including a house reportedly owned by Yufang Bao. They found what appear to be financial records linking the family to operations at multiple massage parlors, along with tens of thousands of dollars in cash.

Aside from that, based on the photos provided by Bernalillo County D.A.’s Office, they found a money counter.

“But I hope that this case sends a very clear signal,” said Bregman. “We’re not gonna put up with it anymore.”  

Further actions are still under review.

Ethics Commission Lawsuit Against Elevate is More Than Paperwork — It’s a Warning Flare for New Mexico

There are moments when a lawsuit is more than a court submission. Sometimes it is a civic warning flare. The lawsuit brought Thursday by the New Mexico State Ethics Commission against Elevate New Mexico is one of these moments.

Elevate New Mexico is described as a shadowy, out-of-state company behind a sweeping campaign that promotes the proposed OpenAI-Oracle “Project Jupiter” data center complex. And the lawsuit against the company is not just about paperwork, registration rules, or reporting requirements. At stake is the integrity of democratic consent. It is not only about compliance with the state’s Lobbyist Regulation Act.

According to the complaint filed in state district court, the company spent money on ads urging residents to support permits for natural gas power plants tied to Project Jupiter. The complaint alleged that Elevate New Mexico lobbied state regulators during a critical public comment period while it refused to register as a lobbying organization or disclose who funds the campaign.

“Despite the Commission’s request for compliance with the registration and disclosure requirements…Elevate refuses to register and to disclose any information related to its expenditures and contributions for its advertising campaign for the purpose of lobbying Secretary Kenney to approve Acoma, LLC’s air permit applications,” the lawsuit says.

The public, the lawsuit stresses, has a right to know “who is contributing money to fund advertising campaigns for lobbying, including who Elevate is and who is contributing money to Elevate.”

That should trouble anyone, regardless of their stand on artificial intelligence, data centers, or economic development. Because the question here is simple: If a project is as transformative and beneficial as New Elevate Mexico claims, why hide the messengers?

The ads promised prosperity in almost astronomical proportions — hundreds of millions in community investments, enhancements to water systems, and thousands of jobs. Mailers bearing carefully curated imagery invoke New Mexico identity while hiding the interests behind them.

In March, Brant reported that purple and yellow mailers began arriving across the state. The mailers came with a promise of $360 million in community investments, $50 million for local water system upgrades, and “thousands of high-paying careers” prioritizing residents of Doña Ana County.

Critics called it “brownwashing,” using stock photography and corporate names wrapped in regional symbolism. Those criticisms sounded harsh months ago. But the Ethics Commission lawsuit now gives them a voice.

“New Mexicans have a right to know who is funding efforts to influence state official acts that impact their communities, environment, health, and public resources,” State Ethics Commission Deputy Director Amelia Bierle said in a statement.

This is not about an isolated fight over one ad campaign. It lies at the intersection of several larger issues: the unchecked expansion of energy-intensive AI infrastructure, the increasing political power of shadowy corporate advocacy groups, and a pattern in which communities are asked to bear the environmental risks while outsiders dictate the narrative.

Project Jupiter has already stirred the hornet’s nest over water, emissions, and the reliance on natural gas generation amid a warming world. Those debates deserve an explanation. New Mexicans instead were met with a multimillion-dollar campaign whose financial backers remain a mystery.

The Ethics Commission is right. Disclosure is not optional. Transparency is not an anti-business burden. But the minimum price of legitimacy.

“Considering the quantity of greenhouse gases and nitrogen oxides that Project Jupiter microgrids are likely to emit, this matter is of great public import,” the Commission said in its court filing.

This case may seem procedural, but disclosure laws exist precisely because power often prefers anonymity. Money seeks influence quietly. Democracy demands transparency.

And there is a larger irony. Proponents of Project Jupiter hyped it as the infrastructure of the future. Yet the politics surrounding the massive project have unfolded through secrecy, front groups, and undisclosed spending.

Indeed, it is difficult to sell the future while operating like a machine from the past.

The lawsuit does not decide whether Project Jupiter should proceed. It shouldn’t be. That judgment belongs to state regulators and, ultimately, the public. It insists, however, on something indispensable before any such decision can be legitimate: people have the right to know who is trying to persuade them.

That should not be controversial. In a political age saturated with dark money and artificial grassroots campaigns, the state has drawn a line worth defending.

Whether this lawsuit compels disclosure from Elevate New Mexico or exposes broader networks of influence, it serves as a reminder that economic development cannot come wrapped in secrecy and still claim public trust.

The question raised by this lawsuit is not only about who funded these ads. It is who speaks for New Mexico: is it the people, or the money speaking through anonymous intermediaries?

A court may answer the legal question. Citizens should insist on transparency, too. Upon knowing of the court filing, Neeshia Macanowicz, a Las Cruces resident who received one of the mailers, said: “I hope this is indicative of what’s to come.”

Reports Drop in Syphilis and STI Cases in 2026 Health Update

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Health officials in New Mexico reported a decline in sexually transmitted infections, including syphilis, based on data released during STI Awareness Week by the New Mexico Department of Health.

The department recorded an 18.6% drop in syphilis cases. It also recorded a 32.4% drop in congenital syphilis cases between 2024 and 2025. Officials linked this improvement to stronger prevention programs, better testing, and increased public awareness.

The report came out in April 2026 during STI Awareness Week.

The findings focus on infection trends in New Mexico, United States.

Health officials continue to encourage residents to get tested, practice safe sex, and seek early treatment to help prevent the spread of infections.

The New Mexico Department of Health highlighted these results as a sign of progress in ongoing public health efforts.