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Tri-Cities Events Calendar: Things to do in Northwestern New Mexico

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You can check out the Tri-Cities Events Calendar for upcoming events in northwestern New Mexico. The calendar lists a variety of events, including workshops, cultural events, and family-friendly activities.

The events calendar is an important resource that helps the community engage with one another and gives people and families the opportunity to celebrate local culture.

One example of the types of events listed on the calendar is the Beginning Knitting Workshop at San Juan College’s Big Idea Makerspace, which will take place on May 22 from 4 p.m. to 6 p.m. and is open to individuals 12 years and older.

There are other types of events on the calendar, including arts events, statewide seasonal festivals, and opportunities to learn in the Farmington and surrounding communities.

Residents of the Tri-Cities can benefit from a variety of learning experiences, low-cost entertainment, and a sense of belonging through organized community events.

Examples include creative workshops, where individuals can develop new skills; community events that foster connections among regional members; and cultural programs that build a shared identity among residents and offer fun activities for families.

This is echoed in the headline of the Tri-Cities Events Calendar (the “Calendar”)—it’s not just a compilation of events; rather, it serves as the focal point of the region’s activities and promotes involvement in events that are beneficial to local businesses as well as families living north of Santa Fe, New Mexico.

Therefore, the Tri-Cities Events Calendar is a valuable resource for residents and visitors of the region. It provides information about multiple types of events, including workshops, cultural events, and family-oriented events, and it also serves as an incentive for communities in the Tri-Cities area to come together as one community, explore new interests, and show appreciation for the diverse community in northwestern New Mexico.

New Mexico United 2026 Season Blends Soccer and Community Celebration

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Beginning its 2026 USL Championship Campaign with 15 Home Matches. throughout Various Events & Themes, Offer to All Owners.

New Mexico United has established itself as a major piece of Albuquerque Sports. In fact, many thousands of people gather every match to cheer for the team and show pride in New Mexico.

Each match during this Season serves as an opportunity for New Mexico United to define its role within the USL Championship.

As an example, the schedule consists of: Star Wars Night – (May 6); Pride Night (June 6); Juneteenth (June 13); Girls in the Game – August 1; Indigenous Peoples’ Day (August 15); Meow Wolf Night – September 26; and Hispanic Heritage Night – October 3. Themed events link soccer with cultural holidays and community connections.

Benefits include family-fun events at affordable prices ($19-$75+) and recognition of our community through themed evenings. All events will also assist local businesses south of Isotopes Park. Additionally, they continue to build Albuquerque’s identity as a soccer community.

The headline emphasizes that the 2026 season goes beyond a sports schedule; it creates a community calendar that blends athletic competition with cultural celebration, reflecting New Mexico United’s motto: ¡Somos Unidos! We are United.

To wrap up, the 2026 season of New Mexico United will provide many thrilling opportunities – both on and off the field – to enjoy soccer with a total of 30 matches. Featured teams will come from all over. There will be plenty of opportunities to celebrate the culture and community. The season will also continue building a strong sense of unity through soccer in Albuquerque. Supporters can reserve their tickets now and strengthen Albuquerque’s rapidly expanding soccer culture!

Trump’s $4B Permian Oil Bonanza—Energy Triumph or Public Lands Risk?

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The Trump administration’s Bureau of Land Management sold drilling rights to 33,530 acres of federal land for almost $4.01 billion across New Mexico and Texas in a record-shattering afternoon auction. It underscored the growing appetite of oil firms for access to some of the nation’s most abundant energy reserves, even as environmental concerns and long-term climate commitments loom.

BLM held the quarterly lease sale on Wednesday, offering 74 parcels — almost all of them snapped up — primarily in New Mexico’s portion of the Permian Basin. The Basin is the engine of American oil production, powering the U.S. to its status as a top global producer. Cumulative bonus bids and first-year rental payments reached approximately $4,007,944,870, according to the Department of the Interior. The federal government and the states will share the revenue, providing a bonanza for New Mexico’s coffers in particular.

The sheer magnitude of the windfall dwarfs recent history. Industry observers described it as one of the largest single-day BLM oil and gas lease sales in years, dwarfing the prior high-water mark of around $972 million set in 2018.

Devon Energy and others poured in aggressive bids

Devon Energy alone accounted for more than half the total, according to preliminary reports. The enthusiasm mirrors confidence in the Permian’s output potential amid advances in technology on hydraulic fracturing and horizontal drilling that have shaped the region’s transformation.

Interior Secretary Doug Burgum said the results have validated the administration’s “American Energy Dominance Agenda.” Burgum, in a statement, said, “America is sitting on some of the richest energy resources in the world, and President Donald J. Trump is committed to putting those resources to work for the American people.”

At the core of the momentum is a policy shift embedded in the Working Families Tax Cuts Act. The legislation reduced the federal royalty rate for new onshore oil and gas production on public lands to 12.5 percent, representing a 4.17 percent reduction from the Biden-era Inflation Reduction Act benchmark. Trump administration officials contend the cut lowers barriers for producers, encourages investment, and ultimately generates more activity — and revenue — over time.

Proceeds from the sale under the framework of Executive Order 14154, “Unleashing American Energy.” The order directs federal agencies to hasten development while maintaining compliance with the National Environmental Policy Act. All leases carry a standard 10-year term. The lease can be extended with production.

A different calculus

But critics see a different calculus. Environmental advocates have argued that scaling up fossil fuel leasing on public lands exacerbates the climate crisis by locking in fossil fuel production for decades, even as the world grapples with warming targets.

Advocates question whether the lower royalty rate represents a giveaway to the industry at the expense of taxpayers and future generations, potentially shortchanging taxpayers. Previous analyses of federal leasing have sometimes underscored discrepancies between immediate cash proceeds and the enduring asset value of extracted resources and externalities.

Officials counter that local production on public lands bolsters energy independence, supports jobs in transportation and manufacturing, shields prices for families and businesses, and generates revenue to fund conservation projects or other priorities. Improved output also bolsters national security by reducing reliance on foreign supplies.

The Permian Basin’s federal parcels sit on top of a tapestry of private, state, and tribal lands that have already seen tremendous growth. Only time will tell if this record sale will yield continued drilling, new infrastructure, and measurable economic gains—or succumb to delays from litigation, permitting bottlenecks, or market volatility. BLM officials stressed that leasing is only the first step. They say actual development requires additional approvals and must comply with environmental reviews.

The $4 billion bonanza stands as a strong argument in the nation’s ongoing debate over energy policy, at least, for now. The true costs and benefits to taxpayers, local communities, and the climate will play out acre by acre across the desert landscapes of the American Southwest as development moves forward.

3 Dead, 18 First Responders Hospitalized in New Mexico — What to Know About the Mountainair Substance Scare

It began as a routine emergency call in a small New Mexico town, and quickly escalated into a crisis that left three residents dead and nearly 20 first responders hospitalized. The incident underscored the hidden dangers of substance exposure in rural America.

State police and Torrance County deputies arrived on Wednesday morning at a modest home on Hanlon Avenue in Mountainair following reports of an overdose. Inside, they found four people unresponsive. Three were later declared dead; the fourth survived and is under treatment.

But the tragedy escalated when 18 emergency personnel — police officers, firefighters, and medics — started to suffer from nausea, dizziness, and other symptoms after contact with the unidentified substance. Responders rushed them to the University of New Mexico Hospital, where healthcare personnel placed them in quarantine. Two of them remain in serious condition.

Albuquerque Fire Rescue deployed Hazmat teams to identify the substance. Officials said that it does not appear to be airborne, suggesting transmission through direct contact. Investigators probe narcotics as a possible factor, but they have not yet reached a definitive conclusion.

“At this time, there is no indication that this situation is airborne or poses a risk to the general public,” Mountainair mayor Peter Nieto wrote in his Facebook post.

The mayor sought to calm the town’s residents. He acknowledged both the fear and frustration gripping the town. “Addiction and substance abuse are issues affecting communities all across our state and nation,” he wrote. “There is no simple or immediate solution. Lasting change requires family support, accountability, education, and individuals willing to accept help.”

The incident has again sparked conversations about the risks the rural first responders are facing amid the increasing drug crisis. Mountainair is a town of fewer than 1,000 residents. The exposure of so many emergency responders in one incident raises urgent questions about preparedness, training, and the unseen dangers of responding to suspected overdoses.

Regulators Signal Green Light for $1.25 Billion Private Equity Takeover of New Mexico’s Largest Natural Gas Utility

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Hearing officers for New Mexico’s utility watchdog have recommended the approval of a $1.25 billion buyout of the state’s largest natural gas provider in a silent corporate takeover that could shape the economic landscape of the American Southwest.

The buyer? A privately-owned equity firm based in Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

Two staff hearing officers for the New Mexico Public Regulation Commission (PRC) handed down the decision on Wednesday, clearing a significant legal hurdle for Bernhard Capital Partners. Once the three-member commission finalizes the vote, the ownership of New Mexico Gas Co. will transfer to the private Wall Street-style capital from Emera, a Canadian multinational corporation, the current parent company.

To the public, the bureaucratic text of the recommendation is like a standard corporate handoff. The hearing officers pointed to a package of measures offered by Bernhard Capital, including immediate customer rate credits, expanded financial reporting mandates, and “ring-fencing” provisions to protect the local utility from corporate liabilities.

But beneath the bureaucratic jargon of regulatory compliance lies an increasingly partisan debate sweeping across the United States: the privatization of critical public infrastructure. The Food & Water Watch, a national advocacy organization, argues that corporate utility buyouts conflict with public oversight.

Natural Gas: From Public Need to Private Portfolios

Natural gas utilities have historically been framed as low-risk, steady-return investments—a run-of-the-mill but essential. Over the decades, however, private equity firms have aggressively sought these captive consumer bases because state regulations ensure a return on investment for utility providers. Private companies like Bernhard Capital see an opportunity to corner stable, predictable cash flows.

Critics, however, warn that the private equity playbook—which usually focuses on maximizing profits for investors—is inconsistent with the long-term, fiduciary duty to the public. The rate credits may offer immediate political cover, but consumer advocacy groups nationwide have long cautioned that “ring-fencing” rarely lasts when a financial storm hits.

New Mexico Gas Co. serves more than 540,000 customers, keeping the heat on for nearly 6 in 10 of the state’s population through freezing high-desert winters. The pending decision isn’t just a corporate transaction for 540,000 households. It is a question of how much their next monthly bill will depend on the financial appetite of out-of-state investors.

The Final Hurdle

The recommendation by the hearing officers is not yet a fait accompli. The outcome of the $1.25 billion acquisition now rests entirely with the PRC’s three-member commission.

The commissioners find themselves at a turning point that extends far beyond New Mexico’s borders as they prepare for a vote. They have to decide whether Bernhard Capital’s financial guardrails are strong enough to protect everyday citizens—or New Mexico might be the latest state to hand over a vital public infrastructure to private equity.

APS Students Top State Spanish Spelling Bee, Advance to Nationals

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Spelling builds the foundation of literacy by helping students understand the connection between letters and sounds. More than memorization, it boosts reading fluency, expands vocabulary, and improves written communication skills. Educators consider this one of the key factors in assessing learning improvement–and it is essential. 

Top spellers across New Mexico recently showcased their word mastery in a statewide competition. Dubbed the State Spanish Spelling Bee, the event was held at the National Hispanic Cultural Center. 

Students from Albuquerque Public Schools (APS) earned top honors and secured spots in the national competition. The Department of Language and Cultural Equity celebrates these outstanding achievements. 

Students from Hayes Middle School, Ernie Pyle Middle School, and John Adams Middle School proudly represented APS in the contest. They demonstrated exceptional skill, determination, and confidence throughout the event. 

After eight challenging rounds, two APS students emerged as the state’s top finalists.

Milena Pestana Sotolongo, a sixth grader from Hayes Middle School, earned first place. Jackie Calzadias Valenzuela, a seventh grader from Ernie Pyle Middle School, placed second.

Sotolongo and Valenzuela will represent New Mexico at the National Spanish Spelling Bee in July.

APS also recognized all participating students for their hard work and dedication. The district likewise acknowledged the families and teachers whose support helped students succeed.

The competition highlights the district’s commitment to multilingual learning. It also celebrates students’ academic excellence across languages and cultures.

ACLU Lawsuit Puts New Mexico’s Drug‑Exposed Infant Policy on Trial

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The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has asked New Mexico’s Supreme Court to stop the automatic removal of babies born with drugs in their systems, arguing the policy rips families apart without due process. ACLU’s legal challenge over how far the government can go to protect vulnerable newborns is now heading to New Mexico’s High Court.

The civil liberties group filed an emergency petition Monday. ACLU is pressing the New Mexico Supreme Court to halt a state policy that directs the Children, Youth, and Family Department (CYFD) to seize custody of drug‑exposed newborns once they leave the hospital.

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham enacted the policy in July 2025. It was introduced after at least two infants connected to the child welfare system died after in‑utero exposure to drugs. In 2022, New Mexico ranked third with the highest number of substance-exposed newborns in the country. There are nearly 15 in every 1,000 babies exposed to drugs compared to a national rate of 5.4.

Under the directive, newborns with in-utero exposure to drugs have to remain in the hospital for treatment before CYFD takes custody. ACLU says the policy amounts to an unconstitutional blanket removal order that overlooks the unique contexts of families. “Taking a child away from its mother at birth has serious long-term consequences,” said Deanna Warren, a staff attorney with the ACLU and one of the lawyers behind the court filing.

ACLU filed the petition alongside two Democratic lawmakers, Rep. Micaela Cadena and Sen. Linda Lopez. The lawmakers argued that the state has bypassed the personalized investigations usually required before separating children from their parents.

“There’s an abundant amount of studies that speak to the effects and impacts of family separation,” Warren said. The ACLU lawyer said both parents and children have constitutional rights tied to family unity and care. The lawsuit seeks a writ of mandamus — a court order compelling state officials to halt enforcement of the directive while the court reviews its legality.

A broader question confronting states in the country lies at the core of the dispute: whether prenatal drug exposure alone is enough to merit state intervention, or whether child welfare agencies must first determine whether parents can safely care for their children. ACLU contended that the policy treats families as categories rather than individuals. “We can’t be treating families as categories,” Warren said. “They deserve individualized evaluations and assessments.”

Officials countered that the policy specifically protects children facing immediate medical and safety harms. State Sen. Nicole Tobiassen, a Republican, defended the removals as necessary state interventions for infants born into risky conditions. “That’s not a blanket approach,” Tobiassen said. “That is a targeted approach to help the whole family — the child first, who is the most vulnerable.”

Since the policy took effect, CYFD has taken custody of about 170 children, according to both supporters and critics of the directive. Tobiassen said many families had already challenged the removals in court, but did not succeed in demonstrating they had stopped using drugs. “We have a moral obligation to make sure that these children are in the safest environment possible,” she said. “If mom or dad cannot do that, then they do, for whatever time frame, forfeit that right.”

The case now puts the state’s High Court at the center of a controversial debate balancing child protection, addiction, public health, and constitutional rights. Its ruling could shape not only the future of the directive in New Mexico, but also how far the states can go in separating families when substance abuse occurs at birth.

Teenage Boys Rob at Gunpoint, Walk Free by Nightfall — New Mexico’s Broken System Is Failing Us

The predawn anxiety lingers across neighborhoods in Alamogordo as the story on Puerto Rico Avenue spread as it happened: five teenage boys, barely old enough to drive, had allegedly forced their way into a home, pointed a gun at a resident, demanded a firearm and body armor. Within minutes, the suspects left with their stolen firearms, leaving a family trying to reclaim their sense of safety.

Police officers responded fast. They recovered the stolen items within hours and arrested the boys, ages 14 to 17. For a moment, it seemed the system had worked. Then the calls began.

Parents talked in a low voice about it at the grocery stores. Neighbors exchanged screenshots in Facebook groups. Officers and courthouse personnel repeated the same explanation with visible frustration: there is no place to put them.

Detained two teenage boys, three walked free

Authorities detained two of the teenagers. However, three others were released to guardians. Prosecutors did not consider the accusations minor, nor did the judges believe there was no danger. It was simply because New Mexico’s juvenile detention system had run out of room, Alamogordo Community News reported.

The picture is difficult for residents to shake: children accused of a violent home invasion and walked free the same day they were arrested, and the family they targeted remained shaken and tried to reclaim a sense of safety.

The dilemma has become painfully familiar for judges across New Mexico. Courtrooms have fast become the front line of a system constrained by staffing shortages, congested facilities, and years of political gridlock. Judges can order detention for an accused only when there is a lawful and safe bed. Release becomes less a choice than a mandate when that condition does not exist.

“This is what collapse looks like in slow motion,” one longtime observer of the juvenile justice system in southern New Mexico said privately this week. The comment reflected a sentiment increasingly heard among law enforcement officials and community advocates alike.

The crisis did not happen overnight. Over the years, New Mexico’s juvenile justice infrastructure has steadily deteriorated under growing pressure. State reports have recorded understaffed facilities where beds technically exist but are not safe to use. County detention centers have struggled to manage growing numbers of violent youth offenders while balancing legal requirements intended to protect lower-risk juveniles from detention that is not necessary.

The result is a system that often appears unresponsive precisely when communities demand urgency. In New Mexico, lawmakers have spent years acknowledging concerns about juvenile crime while they failed to produce lasting structural solutions. Hearings come and go. Committees issued warnings. And studies have piled up in Santa Fe. But people in the communities say little has changed on the ground.

In Alamogordo, the Puerto Rico Avenue incident landed with particular force because it frayed a nerve extending far beyond one street or one family. Residents locked doors earlier, installed security cameras and wondering whether the state still has the ability — or the political will — to intervene before juvenile offenders spiral further into violence.

No longer petty thieves, schoolyard fights

The suspects arrested last week are teenage boys, and under New Mexico law much of their identities and histories remain closed from public view. But the details released by authorities were enough to cause anxieties among residents: a forced entry, a gun pointed at a victim, stolen weapons and allegations of coordinated action among multiple teenagers.

To many New Mexicans, it no longer resembles the traditional portrait of juvenile delinquency rooted in petty theft or schoolyard fights. They view it as more organized, more brazen, and more dangerous.

Police officials across the state have repeatedly warned that insufficient custodial capacity fosters repeated turnover of detainees, especially for youths already drifting toward gang activity or repeat offenses. Community advocates and state reports have contended that New Mexico has not invested enough in prevention programs, youth mental health care, and long-term rehabilitation services for at-risk juveniles.

Sandwiched between these realities are families like the one on Puerto Rico Avenue — ordinary residents pulled into the center of a policy failure years in the making.

The political finger-pointing began. Some Republican lawmakers criticized Democratic leadership and Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham over juvenile justice policies they say weakened accountability for teenage offenders. Democrats also counter that previous administrations and legislatures have neglected youth services and detention infrastructure amid the deepening of broader social problems.

Partisan arguments, however, now sound hollow. They see instead a state administration that has known about the crisis for years, but failed to build enough operational beds, hire enough staff, or create a unified response to violent juvenile crime.

The consequences unravel not in policy papers but in living rooms. In Alamogordo, one family is left shaken by the violence of a gun pointed inside their home. But the three teenage boys accused in that case walked free under the supervision of guardians.

Judges across the state continue confronting the same impossible question: what happens when the law says a dangerous juvenile should be imprisoned, but the system has no place to hold them?

Women’s Film Festival Amplifies Women’s Voices in Cinema

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From August 7 through August 9, 2026, the New Mexico Women’s Film Festival will take place at Santuario Grande. The festival features films made by and about women.

The headline is important because it provides a venue for women’s viewpoints to be amplified and represented through cinema.

The festival offers a platform for different forms of storytelling that filmmakers typically underrepresent in film today.

The festival will showcase the following content types: short films, documentaries, feature films, and experimental pieces. It will also include multiple panel discussions and filmmaker question-and-answer sessions.

These events offer audience members the chance to interact directly with filmmakers. At the same time, they allow audiences to engage with themes related to identity, empowerment, and creativity.

Among the many advantages of this event is its role in supporting gender equality in the film industry. It also encourages discussion between filmmakers and their audience. Moreover, it inspires up-and-coming creators. Attendees will have access to intellectually stimulating presentations while recognizing the contributions of women to film.

The title of the event clearly establishes that the New Mexico Women’s Film Festival is more than just a presentation of films. Instead, it’s a cultural movement celebrating women’s creativity and fostering community engagement through storytelling.

Ultimately, the 2026 New Mexico Women’s Film Festival will provide an entire weekend devoted to celebrating creativity, conversation, and an overall sense of community.

As this festival continues to shine a light on women’s perspectives in film, it helps sustain a contribution to New Mexico’s cultural communities. In addition, it impacts the communities in which they reside by empowering its respective audience(s) to appreciate and understand
the stories of others.

Heritage Day Festival in Albuquerque Celebrates Tradition and Community

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Cultural celebrations through community events and local food at the Heritage Day Festival in Albuquerque are an important part of the City of Albuquerque’s Heritage Day Festival.

The significance of this event is that it reinforces Albuquerque’s identity as a city with cultural diversity. It connects its residents and visitors and allows them to explore the traditions that helped build the city.

There are numerous examples of how the Heritage Day Festival can include things like traditional dance, live music, handmade artisan crafts, and food from various vendors. These examples represent the many different regions represented in Albuquerque.

Therefore, the Festival promotes the various multicultural roots of the City. It does so through participation from local community organizations and cultural groups.

There are several benefits associated with supporting local culture and arts. Simultaneously, the festival fosters community pride among participants. People can engage directly through hands-on opportunities. This way, they can experience Albuquerque’s heritage through displays and performances.

As such, the title conveys that Heritage Day is more than an event; it’s also an ongoing expression of Albuquerque’s heritage. To preserve our cultural identity, we need to build connections across our communities.

To conclude, Heritage Day remains a significant part of the Albuquerque Cultural calendar. This is because it provides another opportunity for people from various backgrounds to celebrate their differences and enjoy local talent. As a result, this creates a closer connection among themselves through their shared ancestry.